Talks at the 19th round of Corps Commander-level meeting at the Chushul-Moldo border meeting point were described as positive, constructive and in-depth.
But no immediate breakthrough was reported in the disengagement of troops at remaining friction points.
In a significant diplomatic development, India's External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar met with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing on July 15th, on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit. This high-stakes meeting marked Jaishankar's first visit to China since the deadly 2020 Galwan Valley border clash, signalling a cautious step toward the normalization of ties between the two Asian giants. During his visit, Jaishankar also held talks with Chinese Vice President Han Zheng and Foreign Minister Wang Yi, advocating for a "far-seeing" and strategic approach to the bilateral relationship.
The core of the discussions revolved around the protracted border standoff in Eastern Ladakh. Jaishankar firmly reiterated India's position, stressing that complete troop disengagement in the remaining friction points of Depsang and Demchok is a prerequisite for restoring normalcy and rebuilding trust. He emphasized that peace and tranquility along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) are fundamental to the overall development of India-China relations.
A key highlight of the meeting was Jaishankar's subtle but sharp criticism of China's recent export curbs on rare earth minerals, a move that directly threatens India's critical manufacturing and high-tech sectors. With China controlling over 90% of the global rare earth output, Beijing wields significant economic leverage, a point not lost on the Indian delegation.
Despite the diplomatic optics of cooperation within the SCO framework, deep-seated strategic mistrust remains a major obstacle. The talks were overshadowed by recent revelations from Lt Gen Rahul Singh that China had provided live intelligence, weapons, and drones to Pakistan during a previous conflict. This underscores the challenge India faces, dealing with China's "sweet diplomacy" on one hand and its "cunning moves" on the other, proving that a real thaw in relations will require more than just high-level meetings.
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External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar arrives in Beijing for critical talks with Chinese counterpart Wang Yi—the first visit since the 2020 Ladakh military clash that brought ties to their lowest in six decades. The agenda: defusing tensions, troop withdrawal along the Line of Actual Control, and rebuilding trade and cultural links.
Afterwards, Jaishankar heads to Tianjin for the SCO foreign ministers meeting (July 14–15), where a joint communique is uncertain after India blocked defence ministers’ support over Pakistan's Pahalgam reference. Ahead of Beijing, he also met Singapore’s leaders to boost investment, semiconductors, infrastructure, and Indo‑Pacific cooperation. This mission aims to reset Indo‑China relations, counter global uncertainty, and reaffirm India’s strategic weight in multilateral diplomacy.
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In a bold diplomatic and military move, India hosted Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. with full state honours—while simultaneously dispatching warships for joint patrols in the South China Sea. INS Delhi, INS Shakti and INS Kiltan sailed alongside Philippine vessels inside Manila’s exclusive economic zone, triggering a subtle yet unmistakable warning to China. The Indian Ministry of External Affairs reaffirmed support for freedom of navigation, calling the waters part of the “global commons.”
The joint drill coincided with Marcos’ five-day India visit, where the two nations signed a landmark Strategic Partnership agreement to boost defence, maritime cooperation, disaster relief and cyber security. While India didn’t name China, Beijing’s rebuke of “third-party interference” left little ambiguity. The coordinated political hospitality and military manoeuvres signal India’s rising Indo-Pacific assertiveness and a strategic alignment with one of China’s fiercest regional rivals—firmly placing New Delhi in the emerging anti-China security web across the Indo-Pacific.
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As India prepares for a major shift in its administrative power hub, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is set to inaugurate Kartavya Bhavan 3 — the newest and most advanced government office complex in Lutyens’ Delhi. This massive structure will now house critical ministries including the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) and the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), symbolizing a bold step towards centralizing India’s internal security and foreign diplomacy under one futuristic roof. From strategic design to political symbolism, here’s your exclusive first look and curtain raiser into what could become the new nerve center of India’s governance.
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India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has finally addressed the rising buzz around Donald Trump’s proposed tariffs on Indian exports. During a high-level media briefing that followed Prime Minister Modi’s meeting with Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the MEA clarified that no direct discussion took place on Trump’s recent tariff threats. Instead, the focus was on strengthening India-Philippines trade ties, expanding product diversity, and cooperation in space technology. India showcased its cost-effective space capabilities, with both countries expressing interest in launching and developing satellites together.
The Philippines also supported India’s call to expedite the ITAGA trade review. While the Trump tariffs remain unaddressed formally, India is clearly moving to diversify partnerships and preempt economic turbulence. The strategic dialogue underlined India’s growing regional influence, especially in light of evolving Indo-Pacific geopolitics and rising trade protectionism from Washington.
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